Ten years after the Bank of Canada declared war on inflation, arguing that inflation
was to blame for Canada’s ills, the bank’s governor is still "rather optimistic
about the prospects for an improved employment situation in Canada."
Ten years is a long time. In the past ten years, this writer has lived in two
countries, changed jobs four times, married, purchased a home, had a child and almost
completed an MBA. One of the reasons I decided to pursue an MBA degree was in order to
expand my horizons, open more doors, improve my chances of lucrative employment. I did not
know that my prospects depend on several variables beyond my control, but not beyond Mr.
Thiessen’s.
Before engaging in a business education, my knowledge of economics and finance was akin
to my knowledge of quantum physics, namely nil. Ah, but I knew about inflation. Inflation
was a part of daily life in Mexico from 1976 on. That year the Mexican government devalued
the currency from $12.50 pesos per USD to $23. This was the beginning of a series of
devaluations that culminated in December 1994, when the peso hit $7500 to $1USD.
Devaluations were followed by hyperinflation periods that devastated the average Mexican’s
purchasing power. In this context, anyone who did not have extensive knowledge of
economics would readily agree that inflation was the mother of all evils. Mexicans, in
their usual way, blamed the problems on corrupt politicians.
Some Mexicans blamed it on United States policies, citing the old saying "So far
from God, so close to the USA."
I was surprised when I learned that inflation is not necessarily bad. The question is
how much inflation is tolerable? What rate of inflation is truly beneficial to the
economy? The answer does not lie in the inflation rate as the Bank of Canada leads us to
believe, but rather in real interest rates. These rates are behind real economic growth,
real wage growth and real prosperity or lack thereof. Smithin makes a very strong argument
for sustained low real interest rates in his book Macroeconomic policy and the future
of capitalism, the revenge of the rentiers.
Mr. Thiessen, like his predecessor Mr. Crow, has followed low inflation policies
arduously on behalf of rentier interests. Mr. Thiessen is quoted above blaming recessions
on inflation. He conveniently neglects to tell the public that it is the Bank of Canada’s
governor, who actually triggers those recessions to fight inflation.
Where does this inflation phobia come from?
As in accounting, it depends on who is doing the numbers and what data he or she is
using. In 1982 two economists working for the Bank of Canada (Jarret and Selody) claimed
that "inflation is the single and most important explanatory variable in explaining
slow (or negative) productivity growth." Seccareccia and Lavoie (1996) argue that
evidence from this and other follow-up studies under John Crow was not very strong.
Nevertheless, "the negative effects of inflation on macroeconomic efficiency was
generally inferred from their analysis." They further question the validity in the
methodology of those studies concluding that zero-inflation proponents "stood on its
head the causal link in the productivity-inflation nexus. It is inflation that impacts
negatively on productivity growth and not the reverse as had traditionally been
argued."
By the time the Mulroney government came to power, this view of inflation was accepted
within the Bank of Canada. The new government designed a plan to attack the deficit and
debt problem with a very specific fiscal policy. The cornerstones of this policy were
revenue growth and expenditure control. Monetary policy was to support the government’s
policy. George Bouey, the Bank of Canada Governor, "continued to identify inflation
control as a key objective of monetary policy. But oversaw monetary conditions that
accommodated economic expansion."
In 1988, Bouey’s deputy governor, John Crow, was appointed governor and his view on
inflation was not the same as his predecessor. What determines a governor’s decisions is
not clear and it is an important issue in monetary policy. Mr. Crow pursued a zero
inflation policy that pushed the country to the worst recession in decades and undermined
the government’s fiscal policies. "The thrust of monetary policy shifted from an
expansionary or accommodative approach in the government’s first term to an
anti-inflationary or restrictive one in its second term."
How can there be such a disparity between the policies of the government on the one
hand and the Bank of Canada on the other? The issue of central bank’s independence and
power is at the root of this problem. "The Bank of Canada was set up in 1935 to lift
the country out of a deep depression. That rings out as clear as a church bell from the
very first paragraph of the Bank of Canada Act that proclaims as its purpose ‘to
mitigate fluctuations in the general level of production, trade, prices and employment.’"
The definition of the word mitigate is "to make less severe, intense, painful,
etc." Crow’s zero inflation policy did not mitigate the Canadian economy’s
health. It aggravated it. Interest rates increased, output decreased and unemployment
skyrocketed. The notion of short-term pain for long-term painmay have been behind
Crow’s approach. However, history has shown that the long-term gain has been to slow in
coming.
The banks’ profits have been breaking records.
The Toronto Stock Exchange has reached historical heights benefiting many people,
mainly financiers. For regular Canadians the story is very different. Comedian Mary Walsh
of CBC’s This Hour Has 22 Minutes-fame put it very while playing one of her
characters: "The TSE has reached the 7500 mark. Well, freaky la di da! That’s
almost my yearly income!"
In their book Where the Buck Stops: The Dollar, Democracy, and the Bank of Canada,
Michael Babad and Catherine Mulroney criticize the bank’s power and make a case for
change. They argue that the bank should be more democratic and that its policies should be
aimed at the employment/unemployment problem.
Rentiers interests in North America and elsewhere have such influence that the
political will to try to change the direction of the Bank of Canada’s policies is
difficult to muster. Jean Chretien was on record as a critic of the bank’s policies
during the Mulroney government’s second term. "What was needed. Mr. Chretien would
theorize, was a governor who would let inflation grow to perhaps 5% or 6% as a way to
stimulating the economy." Mr. Chretien was on to something, but it did not
materialize. Of course, proponents of zero inflation or something close to it, cringe at
the prospects of an inflation rate of 5%. Nevertheless, as Smithin has pointed out, they
do not give reasonable explanations why zero or next to zero inflation should take
precedence over other variables. What should be important to central bankers are standards
of living as reflected in the citizens’ employment participation levels and their
purchasing power.
The Bank’s views are supported by several studies undertaken by the institution’s
researchers. As mentioned above, the validity of these studies is quite questionable. The
comparison of Canadian anti-inflation policies with American policies provides evidence
that some moderate inflation is better for all.
As per legislation, the Federal Reserve’s mission is to promote three goals: maximum
employment, stable prices, and moderate long-term interest rates.
"The Federal Reserve Bank, under the leadership of Alan Greenspan, has paid lip
service to the objective of price stability, but has not manifested the ideological zeal
of the Bank of Canada. It has been content to live with inflation of 3 per cent or so. It
consequently has pursued a less restrictive monetary policy, with positive effects for
economic activity."
Some United States politicians have proposed to change the Fed’s approach to price
stability by advocating a zero inflation policy. They argue that zero inflation is better
for the economy and the nation than the current rates. Senator Connie Mack of Florida has
introduced legislation to change the Fed’s mandate to mostly pursue price stability.
Senator Mack must not be aware of Canada’s recent economic history and the effects of
this nation’s zero inflation policy from 1988 to 1993 and the current policy of
maintaining inflation within the 1% to 3% range.
Canada’s experience supports the work by economists George Akerlof, William Dickens
and George Perry. These economists studied the effects a zero inflation or a low inflation
policy has on the economy. Their argument counters the two main reasons advocates of zero
inflation policies espouse, namely:
"that the costs of even a fairly low rate of inflation are quite high, while the
output and employment costs of maintaining zero inflation are low," and
that "there is only one level of unemployment that is consistent with constant
inflation," the so-called "natural rate."
The cornerstone of their work is a model that simulates "an economy with thousands
of firms, each subject to random demand and supply shocks that affected its desired
employment and wages." The model disputes classic believes about downward nominal
rigidity in wage setting.
Their simulation model predicts the costs of pursuing a zero inflation policy and
predicts what would happen in the United States if such a policy were implemented, as
Senator Mack wished. What their model predicts is exactly what we have seen in the
Canadian economy as a result of monetary policy during the period 1988 to 1993 and indeed
to the present.
The initial impact of Mr. Crow’s zero inflation target brought as a consequence very
high interest rates and higher unemployment. As Mr. Crow reached his monetary policy
targets, unemployment began to fall as did interest rates. However, as Akerlof et all
predict, the unemployment rate settles at a higher rate than it would have by targeting a
moderate inflation rate.
Canadian Unemployment rates